On cemetery culture, with
examples from Estonia and Finland
People's attitude to death
has always been slightly reluctant. And it is not really possible
to completely understand the mystery of the disruption of life.
Yet not everywhere is death handled alike. Even the environment
in which death is placed (country - city, hospital - home) may
vary considerably, and therefore the attitude to the deceased
is different, to say nothing of the traditional last journey
and its arrangement.
This article will shed a glance
at the cemetery culture of two related nations and neighbouring
countries - Estonia and Finland, primarily on the basis of grave
markers. Although the many-sided source material for this article
is not voluminous: 185 grave markers from Estonia, 135 from Finland;
from the period of 1970s-1990s in Estonia, and mainly 1950s in
Finland; a rural graveyard chosen from Estonia (Kärdla cemetery
in Hiiumaa island) and a city cemetery from Finland (Malmi cemetery
in Helsinki) - it is sufficient to draw certain general parallels
or point out differences between the graveyard cultures of the
It must be noted about Kärdla
that in addition to being a cemetery of a small town, in the
1970s-1980s Kärdla belonged to the so-called restricted
zone. Therefore everything that existed was compacted and the
cemetery remained an inseparable part of everyday life.
We need not observe cemetery
culture in the graveyards only, it may as well be done outside
the limits of it. The other world is often associated with the
cemetery, it is regarded as sacred land, a boundary between the
two worlds (Valk 1998: 507-508), yet when we lose a close person,
we will not first go to the graveyard, but to a funeral agency
and then to the stonecutter's. Comparing the stonecutters' shops
of the two countries, we do not notice them in Estonia. Although
the advertisements of stonecutters in Estonia exist, the workshops
are located mainly on the outskirts of settlements (cities, small
towns). One reason for that is the peripheral location of graveyards:
if possible, the stonecutter will set up his business close to
the graveyard. Another cause emerges from modern people's mental
world, where death does not fit in any more. Therefore they are
discarded, put out of sight. (Aho 1996: 119.) Finnish stonecutters'
shops, on the contrary, are located at major roads. In Estonian
society public advertising of companies that deal with death
is quite modest. Public handling of death and regarding it as
business is not customary here. In Finland death can be called
a product, an object of sales. Items and services related to
death and funerals are advertised just like overcoats, for instance,
on Seppälä window displays, and therefore it is impossible
for a passer-by not to notice what kind of a store that is.
If we take a look at Kärdla,
a rural place, representative of a small area, we have to admit
that advertising is not necessary there. There is no point in
emphasising what is known anyway. Information is spread, but
in such a small community it has different bases, incl those
characteristic to oral tradition.
The first difference between
Finland and Estonia arises from the different forms of the administrative
ownership of the cemeteries. Contrary to Estonia, where most
cemeteries belong to administrative units (some belong to the
church), in Finland nearly all cemeteries are managed by congregations
and churches. In Finland there is only one cemetery (in Kauniainen)
that belongs to the local authority, which is the general practice
in Estonia, but even that one belongs to the Lutheran church
(HS I 2000: B12).
The general appearance
The Finnish researchers of
cemeteries have said that their cemeteries leave an impression
of being somehow too clean and sterile (Häiväoja &
Nickels 1990: 49). Most graves are covered with grass (HSH 1999:
15), always neat and precisely laid out, while in Estonia gravesites
are usually covered with sand or gravel. Estonian cemeteries
are designed more freely.
Estonian cemeteries have been
regarded as park-type graveyards. In comparison with the Finnish
ones, it might be pointed out that Estonian cemeteries are sooner
forest-type. Park-type cemeteries are more typical to Finland
(see photos1 and 2). In a way the cemeteries in both countries
look like parks, even a stranger could go for a walk there.
can be called forest-type cemeteries; those in Finland are remarkable
for their neat and orderly appearance. Photo: author's private
The general look and condition
of cemeteries is controlled by completely different people: in
Kärdla a close relative of the deceased rakes the grave,
takes flowers there and waters them. In Helsinki it all is done
by hired people: for a certain sum of money grass is mowed on
a regular basis and flowers are planted twice a year. The same
is true for funerals: different services take care of everything
up to the disposal of the body. Today the relatives of the deceased
do not have to do anything else than call the funeral agency
who will arrange all the rest: send the certificate of death
to proper places, find a coffin, wash the dead person, clothe
and place him/her into the coffin, provide transportation, book
the chapel and a clergyman, and if the relatives wish, also a
singer or a speaker, plan the arrangement of the whole funeral,
inform the office of the cemetery of digging the grave, order
flowers for the coffin and the chapel, hire coffin-carriers if
they do not have their own, organise the funeral feast with catering
as desired, send obituaries to newspapers, take charge of the
gravestone and stonecutting and finally send an invoice for all
that (Aho 1996: 119).
Such arrangements are not familiar
to a rural community. For example, even today on Kärdla
cemetery the relatives of the deceased themselves have to find
On graves in Finland there
are no benches - that is why people can have a silent moment
of commemoration either standing on the grave or sitting on benches
at larger paths. The latter may be quite far from the grave they
have come to visit.
Immediately after the funeral
people come to the cemetery more frequently. According to the
current way of thinking a deceased, close person is not on the
graveyard where he/she was buried, but he/she is carried along
in one's thoughts. The deceased one's body is not as important
as the memories of him/her are (Heng 1999: A2). Great part of
Europe thinks the same way. The Dutch would also rather mourn
in their heart than at the grave. Today a cemetery in Dutch tradition
is like a park where dogs are often walked (Kiviharju-Wiebenga
The place of eternal rest
and ways of marking it
The general outward appearance
of cemeteries was significantly affected by cremation. In Helsinki
cremation was introduced in 1926 when the first crematorium in
Finland was established in Hietaniemi. Until World War II cremations
were still rare. Only after the war the new type of funeral became
common, due to ideological changes and the scarcity of land suitable
for burial grounds. By the beginning of the 1980s there were
as many cremations as human burials on the cemeteries of Helsinki,
by the year 1996 the proportion of cremations had increased to
three of four, or 75% (HSH 1999: 8, 16).
There are three crematoriums
in Estonia: in Tallinnas (established in 1993), in Tartu (1997)
and Jõhvi (2000). At present the target group of cremation
consists of people living in larger communities, a villager still
prefers the traditional burial in a coffin.
It must be still kept in mind
that the material I have studied dates to the Finland of the
1950s, when cremation only started to spread. Nevertheless, the
selected part of the cemetery is intended for burials in urns.
Therefore, as to the type of burying, the chosen part of the
cemetery, where burials were started fifty years ago already,
does not differ in general appearance from a typical modern part
of a cemetery in Helsinki.
Cremation has no effect on
the image of Kärdla cemetery in the island of Hiiumaa. It
is more like a graveyard of a rural community, where, even if
the dead person is buried in an urn, it does not reflect in the
general aspect. The same can be said about the rural districts
of Finland, where still coffin burials are preferred. The main
reason for cremation is the scarcity of land and consequently,
the higher price of land. As a result of urbanisation the existing
cemeteries have run out of space. The price of a burial plot
has risen and therefore its dimensions have been reduced to a
minimum, which in its turn favours burying in an urn. The burial
plots for urns on the cemeteries of Helsinki are one metre in
width; the same width is used for similar plots in Tartu.
Although dimensions are smaller,
it does not mean that the number of potential burials will decrease.
In Finland a gravemark carries the personal data of many different
people, so a Finnish gravemark may be regarded as a family gravestone.
A gravemark is usually bought immediately after the burial plot
is purchased and the problem how to place the data of more people
on one stone will have to be solved later.
The layout of data is not arbitrary.
For example on the Helsinki cemetery there was a gravestone,
on which at the time of collecting this material there were only
two names: one cut at the bottom, and the other at the top of
the stone, the first probably the name of the great-grandmother
and the other that of her great-grandchild (see figure 1). This
allows the conclusion to be drawn that generally the names of
spouses are placed close to one another and the data of children
next to their parents' rather than grandparents' names. Most
frequently the data are designed in chronological order. The
above-mentioned family tree model is followed in exceptional
cases, when for instance the personal data of an untimely dead
child or youngster have to be placed on the gravemark.
Figure 1. Data given on the gravestone follows
the scheme of a family tree.
The same gravestone also refers
to urbanisation and migration. Migration in its turn may and
evidently in this case has led to the situation where one of
the spouses is buried on the village graveyard in the former
home, the other has found the last resting place on a city cemetery,
which the relatives who have moved here find easier to visit.
The Finnish clearly prefer
family tombstones (90%) as opposed to the grave markers typically
in memory of one person in Estonia. In the newest sector of Kärdla
cemetery 65% of all gravestones are dedicated to one person and
30% to spouses together. The rest are gravestones marking family
burial grounds. These grave markers differ from the Finnish ones
- in Estonia the common name of the family is cut in the stone,
no more specific data is added. Additional data is either on
personal stones next to the common family stone or will remain
unknown to the passer-by. By the beginning of the 1970s it was
not customary to have more than two people's personal data on
one gravestone, among the observed material there was only one
gravestone dedicated to a grandmother, grandfather and grandchild.
The prevailing grave marker
in both countries is the gravestone. Crosses are used, but their
function is mainly to mark the burial plot temporarily. Gravestones
are still surprisingly different in their shape: the Estonian
stone with its broken edge strives for natural look, the Finnish
one, on the contrary, is a traditional rectangle, which people
call, with a bit of irony matkalaukku stone (Yli-Kovero
1999b: D1). The popularity of the broken-edged stone started
in Estonia at the end of the 1970s. Stonecutters justify using
the natural stone because of its cheapness, as well as the fact
that the square, fully faced gravestone would seem artificial.
Earlier the choice of material
was wide in Estonia, now mostly granite is used. The raw material
is brought from Finland and Karelia, also from the Ukraine. Of
colours black is preferred (Viitamees 2001: 7). On Kärdla
cemetery about 75% of all gravestones are dark-coloured. The
advantage of the black surface is that the text cut in it is
more legible. In the surveyed part of cemetery in Finland the
dominant stone colour was black, too (55%), quite frequently
red granite could be seen (33%).
The most popular size for gravestones
in Finland is 60 70 cm (Yli-Kovero 1999a: D2), in Estonia the
so-called matchbox size (70 50 cm) is regarded the most suitable
(Viitamees 2001: 7). Notable is also the orientation of stones:
in Finland they are upright, in Estonia they are placed on their
longer side (see figure 2).
Figure 2. Though comparable in size, the rgavestones are
placed on the grave differently: in Finland they stand upright,
in Estonia - horizontally.
Finnish gravestones are different
in depth than Estonian ones: the common depth is 15 cm there
(Yli-Kovero 1999a: D2), our stones are usually no more than 12
cm in depth (S 2001). Moving geographically, gravestones become
significantly thinner, from 10 cm in Sweden to 7.5 cm in Great
Britain (Yli-Kovero 1999a: D2).
Crosses (mainly wooden) can
be found on the cemeteries of both countries, crosses are used
as temporary markers only. Within a year or two the wooden crosses
are replaced by gravestones (Viitamees 2001: 7). In Finland the
custom of initially marking the grave with a cross or a plate
is not widespread. While visiting the newest and actively used
parts of cemeteries, unmarked graves can be seen, but usually
a proper gravestone has been obtained. Obviously in Finland gravestones
are ordered in the course of funeral arrangements or immediately
after the funeral.
Both in Finland and in Estonia
crosses are usually painted white. Kärdla cemetery in Hiiumaa
is characterised by silvery crosses (more than a half of the
wooden crosses of the studied material).
The larger number of crosses
in Estonia may be justified by poverty on the one hand and the
greater popularity of our personal gravestones: the cross will
be the first marker of the burial plot. In Finland a gravestone
is procured at the time of the first death in the family. Later
there is the common stone of the family on the grave already,
there is no direct need for the cross and only a new name has
to be tooled in the stone.
Because of the family gravestone
there is only one marker on a grave in Finland. In Estonia it
is not uncommon to find two or more (slightly more than 10% of
family or extended family graves, according to the material of
If there are more than only
one grave marker, the general impression of the grave will depend
on the arrangement of the stones on the plot, which is usually
determined by the nature of the burial and the size of the given
plot. When the corpse is buried in a coffin, the plot is larger
and the markers are placed side by side. In case of urn burial
the area of one grave is smaller, therefore, if there are many
grave markers, they are placed behind one another. The first
arrangement may be more typical to rural places where cremation
is not available yet, the latter to larger settlements where
cremation is rapidly gaining popularity due to the expensiveness
and shortage of land.
The graves of public figures
A noticeable difference in
the Finnish and Estonian cemetery traditions is revealed in the
way how famous people's graves are marked. In Finland the usual
grave marker is a stone belonging to the whole family, so the
personal data of famous people are cut on the commonest family
gravestones (see photos 3 and 4). This causes a situation which
may appear quite strange to Estonians. For example, the grave
of the once popular Finnish film star Tauno Palo cannot be found
without asking for directions. This situation is strange for
us primarily because usually our gravestones even on the most
modest rural graveyard can be divided into two.
A usual Finnish
gravestone according to the research conducted on the Malmi cemetery.
Photo: author's private collection.
of public figures buried on Malmi graveyard are not different
from others. Photo: author's private collection.
The first are the grave markers
of common people, there may be some local characteristic features
about them but they do not destroy the general impression. The
so-called standard grave marker among the material collected
from Kärdla cemetery was the dark granite gravestone, with
broken edges (see photo 5). It was either a family or a personal
gravestone; in either case the names were written in block capitals
and were placed below each other. Only the year of birth and
death were given, separated by a hyphen. The figure was on the
left side of the stone and it was either a Latin cross or a weeping
birch. Flowers were used to decorate the gravestones of women
and children, the sea and symbols related to the sea, which is
more local and typical of the island, were usually on men's gravestones.
An example of the
most widely used gravestones in Estonia (Kärdla cemetery).
Photo: author's private collection.
Opposed to the above-mentioned
usual variant of the gravestone in Estonia are the grave markers
of public figures, which vary from the established stereotype
and do not follow the general canon of gravestones, thus remaining
detached. In the newest part of Kärdla cemetery three such
grave markers can be found.
In the first case already the
shape of the gravestone is singular, more like a monument than
a usual gravestone (see photos 6 and 7). This is the tombstone
of the local artist Paul Kamm, with his autograph fixed on it.
An autograph can also be found
on the gravestone of the conductor Edgar Pärnsalu (see photo
8). But his gravestone is also unusual because his full name
was not cut on it. Probably it is so because he was considered
famous enough and further information was unnecessary.
It is quite usual that on the gravestones of public figures in
addition to personal data there are some figures or an epitaph.
Thus the stave and the G clef on the gravestone of Edgar Pärnsalu
refer to his activities. On the gravestone of Aleksander Resta,
director, we find a crying and a laughing mask and the epitaph:
"You've laid a firm path in the cultural history of Hiiumaa"
(see photo 9).
The graves of public figures on Kärdla cemetery are notably
different from others. Photo: author's private collection.
Of course, there are unique
gravestones of public figures also in Finland, but there are
fewer of them and they are rather on one specific cemetery (e.g.
Hietaniemi in Helsinki) than everywhere in the country.
The inscription as an obituary
to the deceased
The data given in the inscription
may speak of the life of the deceased, his/her personality, activities,
etc., at the same time it may indirectly also refer to the survivors.
The inscription is all the information tooled in the surface
of the gravestone:
- personal data, which
usually consist in names and dates of birth and death, in exceptional
cases names may be replaced by a symbol representing a person
or a group (for example '16' from Kärdla cemetery);
- a figure, which includes visual symbols (for example
the cross) and pictures (the sea with a sailing ship on it);
- an epitaph is the textual part of the inscription, proceeding
from its position with respect to the name of the deceased it
can be an introductory text (for instance Here rests in divine
) and an end text (Memory is eternal)
(see further Ots 1995: 91).
The inscription may be presented
in many ways: it may be tooled in the surface or emphasised by
using metal colour. The latter is more popular in Finland. Among
the studied material 65% were gold- or silver-coloured or painted
in another colour. Projecting metal is used in Finland mainly
for distinguishing the family name.
In Estonia the inscription
is usually not painted, that is why the text becomes illegible
after some time or due to the colour of the gravestone (light
dolomite, light red, light grey granite).
Although in the two neighbouring
countries there are no basic differences in presenting personal
data on gravestones, certain divergences still occur. For example,
in Estonia more inscriptions with incomplete data can be found,
mostly the dates of birth and death are presented partially or
names are written irregularly. In Finland the precise and complete
data of the deceased is cut in the gravestone, which means that
both the first and family name are given, sometimes also the
maiden name of the woman (35% of the women), in case of the dates
of birth and death the year, month and the date are marked. In
Estonia the presenting of the maiden name of a woman has never
been widespread (Ots 1995: 91). According to the material from
Kärdla cemetery no fundamental conclusions can be made about
it. It may be noted that evidently the former maiden name was
brought out primarily at the beginning of the 20th century. Its
usage became less frequent in the first half of the century and
later it has been used in very rare cases (Viitamees 2001).
Due to its relatively restricted
use, the maiden name of a woman cannot be regarded as belonging
to the personal data of a woman, therefore the data on Estonian
grave markers may be considered complete in most cases. Exceptions
are small children and stillborn babies. In the latter case there
may be a symbolic name on the grave marker, for instance Missisipi.
According to the registry office of Hiiu County Government, Missisipi
has never been registered as a first name.
In comparison with Finland
the dates of birth and death are written shorter in Estonia.
Thus from the material of Kärdla cemetery half of the gravestones
carry only the year of birth and death (compare: one gravestone
in Helsinki), on 5% there are no data (one in Helsinki, and it
was a wooden cross).
The general tradition of writing
dates is reflected also on gravestones: in Finland Arabic numerals,
in Estonia Roman numerals (90%) are used for denoting the month,
like it was customary in our letter-writing traditions some time
In Finland the use of the symbols
of life and death before dates of birth and death is more preferred
(the pentacle is most widespread to precede the date of birth),
in Estonia the use of such symbols is more an exception than
A basic difference between
the Finnish and Estonian tradition is the data of a living close
relative (for example the spouse) on the grave marker. In Estonia
it is possible: the gravestone may carry the name and the date
of birth of the surviving spouse, in such case the date of death
will be cut in later. In Finland such equalising with death is
Studying the epitaphs on the
gravestones of the two countries it may be said that although
in Estonia there are quite few of them (on Kärdla cemetery
on 20% of all the gravestones, a figure is on 90%), in Finland
there are no epitaphs in the general picture. Among the material
I studied, epitaphs were on 3% of the gravestones, it is stated
that in Helsinki as a whole 6% of gravestones carry them (Lempiäinen
& Nickels 1990: 62).
At the Traditional history
seminar Elle Vunder pointed to the preferences of the postmodernist
society: the visual side that has started to dominate guarantees
that information is quickly grasped and consequently quickly
spread. Accordingly, the onset of visuality may be regarded one
of the reasons why the longer textual part on gravestones is
disappearing, while the figures show a tendency of generalisation.
Yet the generalisation of figures
does not mean uniformity, here also certain differences can be
detected: in Estonia the range of variety is wider, in Finland,
however, traditions are followed more strictly. The most common
symbol in both countries is still the cross, being more dominant
in Finland (65% of gravestones with figures on them) than here
(25%). Taking into account that in the year 1996 a total of 88%
of the Finnish people belonged to the Lutheran church (Aho 1996:
121), it can be concluded that the wider spread of the cross
among the Finns may be partly explained by their religious background,
Finns may be regarded as more connected with the church and the
religion than Estonians. Being a member of a congregation does
not mean religiousness in itself, but the World Values Survey
of 1996 revealed that even 57% of the Finnish people considered
themselves religious, while only 14% of Estonians replied in
a similar way (Liiman 2000: 10).
In the context of Estonia the
use of the cross as a figure has not been studied in terms of
time and space, that is why it cannot be stated that the use
of the cross symbol on gravestones has started to decrease in
years. Stonecutters say that although even now the cross is sometimes
cut, it is mostly ordered by older people who are to some extent
connected with the church (Viitamees 2001: 7). Comparing the
spread of the Latin cross on Finnish and Estonian cemeteries
and observing other symbols that are used beside the most frequent
one (in Finland: a flame, the sun, an angel, birds; in Estonia:
weeping birch, a candle, different branches, flowers), we may
remark that the Finnish symbols arise much more from Christian
implications than those in Estonia. Speaking of our preferences
we should not forget our past. The deprecation, and partly prohibition,
of everything related to Christianity will eventually, whether
we want it or not, bring about the gradual changes in the mental
world of people. Because of these shifts the sign systems on
the gravestones of the two countries cannot be set in one-to-one
opposition, drawing comparisons may prove to be quite conditional.
The abundance of figures on
Estonian gravestones is justified by the increased picturesqueness
of figures. On Finnish gravestones there are usually the joint
images of the cross and the lily of the valley (the Finnish national
flower), or the cross and ivy leaves, in Estonia we can find
gravestones with whole pictures cut on them: trees, bushes, a
house, a well in front of the house, a fence around the yard.
At the same time the use of
the more 'generalised' symbols in Finland can be interpreted
from the substantially different starting points of the gravestones
in the two countries, proceeding from which the whole-family
gravestone cannot carry so many details and characterise each
person separately, but find a general expression, which prevents
the stone from looking original. Not found in Finland, but rather
typical in the symbolics of Estonian cemeteries is the image
of the interrupted life of the deceased. Based on the material
from Kärdla, it can be stated that it is usual particularly
on the gravestone of a child or a young person. Most frequently
the disruption of life is symbolised by a flower with a broken
stalk, but there are also drooping flowers, like with lowered
The symbols may be divided
into groups that mark a specific age or sex and status. Thus
on Kärdla cemetery the cross can mostly be found on the
gravestones of women and spouses, the weeping birch has proved
suitable for families, flowers for women and children, and symbols
of the sea for men.
Because on the cemeteries of
Finland personal gravestones form a relatively small and unimportant
part, also the grave markers for a married couple are quite rare,
we cannot draw such differences there. It is so that despite
the fact that we may find figures from most gravestones in Finland
and Estonia, and that epitaphs are disappearing or have disappeared
from the general picture (see reasons for that Viitamees 2001:
7), the incriptions in the two countries have become quite different.
There are several reasons for that, to some extent they have
been explained above.
Where we are and where
we are going
Cemeteries do not represent
parts of society with inflexible customs and traditions, but
as can be drawn from above, here also certain developments are
on the way. The changes that are occurring or have already occurred
on the selected cemetery in Helsinki can quite often be classified
as processes arising from urbanisation. Together with urbanisation,
visits to the cemeteries have been decreased, congregations have
started to take care of the graves, death has turned into a publicly
sold trademark. Visits to the cemeteries have fallen out of daily
life due to several reasons: the tempo of life is ever quickening,
the close ones who are buried in their former homeplaces may
because of in-country migration remain even physically too far
to be visited more often.
The size of the studied location
is becoming more important, in larger places the collective knowledge
resources are disappearing, dispersing, and so it is not possible
to know without public advertising, where and how to order and
arrange funerals and related services.
Visits to the cemeteries have
began to drop out of people's everyday and Sunday routine, the
decline of this need is particularly observable in Finland, where
today it is not necessary for you to take care of the grave.
While a neat-looking grave is a matter of prestige for urbanised
people, this service is becoming a product in Estonia, too. Relatives
mourn in their hearts and do not consider it necessary to do
it at the grave. Often it is not possible any more either.
Yet, mourning and remembering the deceased in one's heart is
not a new, urbanisation-related phenomenon, but a much earlier
one. In the village society the intuitive behaviour was regarded
more reliable, therefore probably the commemoration process that
goes on in one's soul has not come forth.
Cemeteries, the functions of
which were earlier directed primarily to communication with the
deceased, are turning into treasuries where the dead bodies are
buried, but where one does not need to go to communicate with
the dead person. Yet there are people who visit cemeteries even
now and despite the quickening tempo of life, always find time
to go for even a brief visit there. Or, namely because of the
accelerating tempo of life, they feel the need to return to the
place which is ruled by a completely different balance and fixed
Translated by Ann Kuslap
Aho, Hannu S. 1996. "Ja
sattu kerran, kun ne oli laskemassa arkkua hautaan
Hautajaisaihe hautausmaatyöntekijöiden suullisissa
kertomuksissa. - Kinnunen, Eeva-Liisa & Koski, Kaarina &
Penttilä, Riikka & Pietilä, Minttu (toim.). Vitsistä
videoon. Uusia kirjoituksia nykyperinteestä. Helsinki,
Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, s. 137-155.
Heng, Bey 1999. Surutyökin
muuttuu etätyöksi. - Helsingin Sanomat, 11.
heinäkuuta, nr. 186, s. A 2.
HS I = Helsingin Sanomat
2000. Tunnustuksetonta hautausmaata on puuhattu vuosikymmeniä.
- Helsingin Sanomat 29. huhtikuuta, nr. 117, s. B 12.
HS II = Helsingin Sanomat
2000. Hautausmailla ei monopolia. - Helsingin Sanomat, 29. huhtikuuta,
nr. 117, s. B 12.
HSH = Helsingin seurakuntayhtymän
Hyvärinen, Irja 2000.
Seurakunta laskuttaa 25 vuotta etukäteen hautanurmien hoidosta.
- Helsingin Sanomat, 13. elokuuta, nr. 221, s. A 7.
& Britta Nickels 1990. Vanhojen hautamuistomerkkien säilyttäminen
ja kunnostaminen. - Lempiäinen, Pentti & Nickels, Britta
(toim.). Viimeiset leposijamme. Hautausmaat ja hautamuistomerkit.
Imatra, Sley-kirjat, s. 46-49.
1997. Hyvin suunniteltu kuolema. - Helsingin Sanomat,
1. marraskuuta, nr. 296, s. D 3.
Lempiäinen, Pentti &
Britta Nickels 1990. Muistomerkkien tekstit. - Lempiäinen,
Pentti & Nickels, Britta (toim.). Viimeiset leposijamme.
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